ST. GEORGE’S, Grenada, August 29- Grenada’s next general election is taking shape, and one of the most consequential developments may be happening not in the opposition parties, but within the governing National Democratic Congress.

The NDC is embarking on a deliberate effort to strengthen its candidate lineup after winning the 2022 election with what, in several constituencies, proved to be vulnerable representatives. The emerging strategy is clear: identify weak spots, allow constituency delegates to have their say, and replace candidates where the party believes stronger contenders are needed.

History’s warning, however, is equally clear.

Former Prime Minister Tillman Thomas and the NDC learned a painful lesson in 2013 about the consequences of going into an election amid major internal changes. In 2012, the party expelled a group of senior figures, including Peter David, Arley Gill, Karl Hood, Glynis Roberts and others, following a bitter internal struggle.

The NDC subsequently entered the February 2013 election with a significantly changed political team. New candidates were put forward in several constituencies, replacing figures who had previously represented the party. The result was catastrophic: the NDC, which had won 11 of the 15 seats in 2008, failed to win a single constituency in 2013.

Indeed, Thomas himself later conceded that the expulsion of the ten members, along with other internal problems, contributed to the party’s failure at the polls.

That history should not be lost on Prime Minister Dickon Mitchell.

What is happening now is not the same as 2012. There is no comparable mass purge, and the current NDC is using constituency-level delegate votes rather than simply imposing candidates from the top.

But the political calculation is remarkably similar: change the team in the belief that stronger candidates can improve the party’s electoral prospects.

In St. Mark, veteran educator Karis DeGannes has replaced Quinc Britton. In St. Patrick East, Finance Minister Dennis Cornwall failed to secure constituency endorsement, losing 36-26. Cornwall won the seat for the NDC in 2022, but concerns about grassroots engagement have persisted.

In St. Andrew North East, voters voted Tessa St. Cyr out as a candidate, with Senator Roderick St. Clair emerging as a possible replacement. The NDC lost that constituency in 2022, despite St. Cyr winning several polling divisions.

The changes make political sense. Dr. Justin Pierre has warned that most constituencies are now battlegrounds and specifically identified weaknesses the NDC should address, including the growing challenge in St. David’s.

But changing candidates carries a price.

A new candidate may bring energy and stronger grassroots appeal. But a discarded candidate may also leave behind loyal supporters and unresolved resentment. That is precisely where the Tillman Thomas experience becomes relevant.

The lesson from 2013 is not that changing candidates necessarily loses elections. It is that changing candidates during a politically sensitive period can become dangerous if the process creates division greater than the electoral benefit it is intended to produce.

The NDC therefore has a delicate balancing act: strengthen its team without fracturing its base.

Meanwhile, the opposition is moving. The DPM is increasingly visible across constituencies, while the NNP is holding meetings, staging news conferences and intensifying its social-media presence.

With speculation mounting that elections could come later this year or early in 2027, Grenada is entering a period of heightened political activity.